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Minister of Information, Lai Mohammed Responds To The Lagos #EndSARS Report

Lekki Toll Gate

TEXT OF THE PRESS CONFERENCE ADDRESSED BY THE HON. MINISTER OF INFORMATION AND CULTURE, ALHAJI LAI MOHAMMED, IN ABUJA ON TUESDAY NOV. 23RD 2021 ON THE REPORT OF THE LAGOS STATE JUDICIAL PANEL OF INQUIRY AND RESTITUTION TO INVESTIGATE CASES OF POLICE BRUTALITY AND THE INCIDENT OF OCT. 20TH 2020 AT LEKKI TOLL GATE

Good morning gentlemen.

It’s no longer news that the Lagos State Judicial Panel of Inquiry that investigated cases of police brutality as well as the incident of Oct. 20th, 2020, at Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos has submitted its report. The submission happened while I was out of the country on a national assignment.

Unlike many commentators and analysts, we took our time to read and digest the report, and we are now well placed to respond.

Without mincing words, let me say that never in the history of any Judicial Panel in this country has its report been riddled with so many errors, inconsistencies, discrepancies, speculations, innuendoes, omissions, and conclusions that are not supported by evidence. What is circulating in public space is simply a rehash of the unverified fake news that has been playing on social media since the incident of October 20th, 2020.

It is simply incredible that a Judicial Panel set up to investigate an incident has submitted a report laden with allegations, the same allegations it was set up to investigate in the first instance. Instead of sitting for all of one year, the panel could have just compiled social media ‘tales by the moonlight’ on the incident and submitted, saving taxpayers’ funds and everyone’s time. That report is nothing but the triumph of fake news and the intimidation of a silent majority by a vociferous lynch mob.

Gentlemen, we have read some critical analysis of the report by a courageous few. One commentator, a lawyer, said it raised more questions than answers. Another commentator, a journalist, called it a ‘disgraceful report by a disgraceful panel’, saying it reported allegations instead of investigating the allegations.

Yet another wondered how a Judicial Panel could use the words ‘massacre in context’ and equate such to a massacre. All these and many more have raised valid questions on that report. We salute their courage and refusal to be cowed by the rampaging lynch mob that has been screaming blue murder since the report was released.

We do not intend to bore you by rehashing details of the discrepancies, innuendoes, inconsistencies, and errors in that report. They are already in the public space. Let us, however, point out some key highlights of such discrepancies, errors, omissions, etc.

i) The report threw away the testimony of ballistic experts who testified before it. The experts said, inter alia, in their testimony:

“The Team finds that from the medical data examined, including the timeline of arrival at the medical facility and the nature of the injuries sustained by the victims, who were taken to the 5 medical facilities, that no military grade live ammunition (high-velocity) was fired at the protesters at Lekki Tollgate on 20th October 2020, within the timeframe of reference (18.30- 20.34hrs).

“That the GSW (Gun Shot Wounds) injuries (4 in number between 19:05 and 19:45 hrs), which were examined by the Team, can be safely identified as being discharged by either low-velocity caliber and/or artisanal/12-gauge firearms (artisanal firearms are locally-fabricated weapons). What is however certain is that had the military personnel deliberately fired military-grade live ammunition directly at the protesters; there would have been significantly more fatalities and catastrophic injuries recorded. This was clearly not the case.”

ii) The same panel that said it deemed as credible the evidence of the Forensic Pathologist, Prof. John Obafunwa, that only three of the bodies on which post mortem were conducted were from Lekki and only one had gunshot injury went on to contradict itself by saying nine persons died of gunshot wounds at Lekki!

iii) The man whose evidence (that he counted 11 bodies in a military van where he was left for dead before he escaped) was found to be crucial by the panel never testified in person. Rather, the video of his ‘testimony’ was played by someone else. It did not occur to the panel to query the veracity of the testimony of a man who said he was
shot and presumed dead but still had time to count dead bodies inside a supposedly dark van at night!

iv) The panel said trucks with brushes underneath were brought to the Lekki Toll Gate in the morning of Oct. 21 2020 to clean up bloodstains and other evidence, but still found bullet casings at the same site when it visited on Oct. 30th, 2020. It said soldiers picked up bullet casings from Lekki Toll Gate on the night of Oct. 20th, 2020, yet claimed that policemen came to the same spot to pick the same bullet casings on Oct. 21st, 2020!

v) The panel was silent on the family members of those reportedly killed, merely insinuating they were afraid to testify. Even goats have owners who will look for them if they do not return home, not to talk of human beings. Where are the family members of those who were reportedly killed at Lekki Toll Gate? If the panel is recommending compensation for the families, what are their identities and addresses? Who will receive the compensations when no family members have shown up to date?

vi) How did a man who reported seeing the lifeless body of his brother himself end up being on the list of the panel’s deceased persons?

vii) How can a Judicial Panel convince anyone that the names of some casualties of the Lekki Toll Gate incident listed as numbers 3 (Jide), 42 (Tola), and 43 (Wisdom) are not fictitious names.

viii) Why did the Judicial Panel feel compelled to concoct a “massacre in context” as a euphemism for “massacre”? A massacre is a massacre. What is “massacre in context?”

ix) The report never mentioned cases of police personnel who were brutally murdered or the massive destruction of police stations, vehicles, e.t c during the Endsars protest. Does this mean that the panel didn’t consider policemen and women as human beings?

x) The report didn’t make any recommendation on the innocent people whose businesses were attacked and destroyed during the protest in Lagos. I think it was too busy looking for evidence to support its conclusion of ‘massacre in context’.

It is clear, from the ongoing, that the report of the panel in circulation cannot be relied upon because its authenticity is in doubt. Besides, the Lagos State Government, being the convening authority, has yet to release any official report to the public. Neither has the panel done so. The cowardly leakage of an unsigned report to the public is not enough.

Assuming the report in circulation bears any iota of genuineness, it is basic knowledge that the report of such a panel is of no force until the convening authority issues a White Paper and Gazette on it. It is therefore too premature for any person or entity to seek to castigate the Federal Government and its agencies or officials based on such an unofficial and unvalidated report.

CNN and Others

The CNN has been celebrating the leaked report of the Lagos State Judicial Panel of Inquiry. In its rush to claim vindication, CNN apparently didn’t even read the report before rolling out the drums in celebration. By that action, CNN has celebrated prematurely and has now committed a double faux pas: First, by relying on unverified
social media stories and videos to carry out an investigation of the Oct. 20th, 2020 incident at Lekki, where it did not have a correspondent on the ground.

CNN goofed in its report on the findings of the panel, which fell below the main standards of journalism. Secondly, CNN rushed to the air to celebrate an unsigned and unverified report that is riddled with inconsistencies, errors, discrepancies, innuendoes. That’s double faux pas by a news organization that is eager and willing to compromise
standards just to claim vindication.

Sadly, a section of the Nigerian media has also joined the lynch mob. Honestly, in an attempt to vilify the government at all costs, they have done themselves a great disservice. How can any news organization worth its salt write an Editorial validating this kind of report? Are they not seeing what others, including journalists and lawyers, are seeing? In a shocking twist, a Nigerian newspaper chose to hail what it calls a “detailed investigative report’’ by CNN, even when the news channel did not even cover the incident of Oct. 20th, 2020! It’s a classic case of cutting your nose to spite your face.

Conclusions

i) Gentlemen, there is absolutely nothing in the report that is circulating to make us change our stand that there was no massacre at Lekki on Oct. 20th, 2020. For us to change our stand, a well-investigated report of the incident that meets all required standards and will withstand every scrutiny must be produced and presented to the public. The report in circulation does not meet those requirements. We also appeal to the families of those allegedly killed in Lekki to speak out. It’s untenable to say that some families did not come out because they are afraid. Any parent who is afraid to testify about the death of his or her child is not worth being called a parent.

ii) We reject the notion that our soldiers and policemen massacred innocent Nigerians at Lekki on Oct. 20th, 2020. That conclusion is not supported by the weight of available evidence. Indictment for murder is a very serious issue that cannot be done on the basis of allegations and corroborations, as the panel did. Such allegations must be proved beyond a reasonable doubt. The report in circulation is calculated to embarrass the Federal Government and its agencies without foolproof evidence. The Federal Government has never condoned the abuse of the rights of Nigerians by security agencies under any guise, hence it disbanded SARS and encouraged states to set up the panels to investigate reports of human rights abuses allegedly committed by the disbanded SARS personnel

iii) The 37 policemen and six soldiers who died across the country during the Endsars protest are also Nigerians and should not be forgotten.

iv) Those who have engaged in premature celebration of the report in circulation should now go back and read it thoroughly and tell Nigerians whether it can pass any serious scrutiny.

v) We are saddened that anyone died at all during the Endsars protest as the life of every Nigerian and indeed every human is sacrosanct. As we have disclosed many times, 57 civilians, 37 policemen, and six soldiers were killed across the country during the protest, and we commiserate with their families.

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Bayelsa Governor Diri joins APC, Calls The PDP A ‘sinking ship’

Bayelsa State Governor, Douye Diri, on Monday formally dumped the Peoples Democratic Party for the ruling All Progressives Congress, describing his former party as a “sinking ship.”

Vice President Kashim Shettima led a high-powered APC delegation to Yenagoa to receive the governor into the party at a colourful ceremony held at the Samson Siasia Sports Stadium.

Also present were Senate President Godswill Akpabio and governors Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), Lucky Aiyedatiwa (Ondo), Sheriff Oborevwori (Delta), Hope Uzodimma (Imo), and Umo Eno (Akwa Ibom).

Diri’s defection, coming ahead of the 2027 general elections, makes him the fourth PDP governor to join the APC this year, following similar moves by Oborevwori, Eno, and Enugu’s Peter Mbah.

The governor had earlier announced his resignation from the PDP on October 15 during a meeting with his cabinet, citing what he called “obvious reasons.”

Speaking at the event, Diri said he took the decision to save Bayelsa from sharing in the fate of what he described as a dying opposition party.

“We tried all we could to save the PDP, but to no avail. Undertakers were very busy to bury the party,” he said.

“After seeing that the undertakers wanted to bury the PDP, I never wanted my state to be buried alongside it. So after consultations with our leaders, it was incumbent on me as governor to make a decision.”

Diri declared that his defection represented more than a personal political move, calling it a wider “Ijaw realignment.”

“This defection is not a Bayelsa defection. It is the Ijaw nation defecting to the APC,” he stated.

The governor referenced his long history as an Ijaw activist, recalling that the demand for a coastal highway linking Lagos and Calabar had been a major agitation of the Ijaw National Congress since the military era.

“Even during the military regime, we requested a coastal road from Lagos to Calabar,” he said, displaying an old memorandum sent to the then Head of State, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar.

“Today, President Bola Tinubu has acted on that demand. He has shown that he loves the Ijaw and Bayelsa people. If we have a President who understands our needs, I have no reason to remain on a sinking ship.”

Diri explained that he had been under pressure from his South-South colleagues to join the ruling party after becoming the only PDP governor left in the region.

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The Cavemen Drop New Album – Cavy In The City

The Cavemen’s new album Cavy in the City dropped on 31 October, and it feels like a confident return to form for the duo: Kingsley Okorie on bass and Benjamin James on drums. Known for reimagining traditional highlife with live instrumentation and rich nostalgia, the brothers once again build on what they’ve always done best.

The project opens with a warm homage to the legends: Rex Lawson, Celestine Ukwu, Osita Osadebe, and Oliver De Coque, instantly grounding it in the music’s roots. Sonically and visually, the record leans into that vintage spirit. Even the cover art, like Show Dem Camp’s Afrika Magic, nods to old Nigerian poster design with its bold, grainy, and proudly analogue look.

Compared to their last album, Love and Highlife (2024), which experimented more with contemporary sounds and collaborations, this one feels closer in spirit to their debut Roots, which is familiar and more faithful to the traditional highlife rhythms that first made fans fall in love.

Their latest album, Cavy in the City, arrives as a confident extension of what they’ve always done best: traditional highlife music reimagined through live instrumentation, arranged sounds, and nostalgia.

The Cavemen are students of sound. Their live-band approach gives the album a steady rhythm, powered by drums, deep basslines, and proper jazz-style. Here, they lean even deeper into highlife, less genre-blending, more focus. The songs blend into each other in a way that’s good enough, although there’s still a little sonic interruption here and there. Those interruptions are enough to distinguish certain tracks.

Production-wise, Cavy in the City is good. The mixing isn’t glossy or overdone; it’s a sort of warm music that fits a Sunday afternoon gathering more than a club night. The Cavemen aren’t trying to modernise highlife, either. They’re preserving it while giving it motion.

Despite the album title, Cavy in the City doesn’t build a clear concept around urban life or transition. Instead, it feels like a loose collection of moments and moods. The interludes do a lot of the heavy lifting, keeping the flow from track to track.

The standout collaborations work smoothly within that flow. Angelique Kidjo on Keep on Moving adds her signature sound, while Pa Salieu brings structure to Gatekeepers. Neither feature disrupts The Cavemen’s sound; they simply expand it.

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US President Donald Trump threatens Nigeria on Saturday with possible military action for the alleged “killing of Christians.”

“If the Nigerian Government continues to allow the killing of Christians, the U.S.A. will immediately stop all aid and assistance to Nigeria, and may very well go into that now disgraced country, ‘guns-a-blazing,'” Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform.

The threat came one day after he claimed that Christianity is facing an “existential threat” in Nigeria and accused “radical Islamists” of being responsible for “mass slaughter.”

“I am hereby instructing our Department of War to prepare for possible action. If we attack, it will be fast, vicious, and sweet, just like the terrorist thugs attack our CHERISHED Christians!” said Trump.

He warned the Nigerian government to “move fast.”

The US military “may very well go into that now disgraced country, ‘guns-a-blazing,’ to completely wipe out the Islamic Terrorists who are committing these horrible atrocities”, Trump added.

“I am hereby instructing our Department of War to prepare for possible action. If we attack, it will be fast, vicious, and sweet, just like the terrorist thugs attack our CHERISHED Christians!”

US defence secretary Pete Hegseth responded: “Yes sir … The Department of War is preparing for action. Either the Nigerian Government protects Christians, or we will kill the Islamic Terrorists who are committing these horrible atrocities.”

Islamist extremism in Nigeria shot to international attention more than a decade ago when in 2014 militants from Boko Haram, which violently opposes Western education, kidnapped 276 mostly Christian schoolgirls from the town of Chibok.

But in recent months, senior figures within Trump’s MAGA coalition have seized on ongoing attacks against Christians by Islamist insurgents, with some claiming the targeted killings constitute a “genocide”.

Texas senator Ted Cruz, a Trump ally, claimed last month that the Nigerian government might be complicit in the violence, a suggestion it has categorically denied.

“Officials in Nigeria are ignoring and even facilitating the mass murder of Christians by Islamist jihadists,” Cruz said.

Trump on Friday claimed that Christianity was facing an “existential threat in Nigeria”, blaming “radical Islamists” for the attacks. He designated the West African state as a “country of particular concern” — a step that can precede the imposition of sanctions against a specific nation.

Trump first designated Nigeria as a country of particular concern towards the end of his first term in 2020, but the decision was reversed by the Biden administration the following year.

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